Abstract (eng)
In this thesis, I examine the relationship between Polish socio-economic neoliberal transformation and the backlash of the ‘90s. I analyse the theoretical explanations of neoliberal and (neo)conservative turns and their mutual interdependence as conceptualised by feminist and anti-neoliberal authors. I recognise the accomplishments of Polish critical theory: successful deconstruction of the neoliberal discourses and growing sensitivity to experiences of most marginalised social groups. However, I also identify theoretical gaps and shortcomings of the theory that, with some exceptions, failed to recognise and explain the inter-connections between Polish capitalism and patriarchy - I conclude that a comprehensive critical and intersectional analysis of Polish transformation is still missing. Consequently, I propose my own interpretation of the correlation between analysed phenomena – I ground my research in the theories of feminist historical materialism, particularly inspired by the concepts developed by Maria Mies and Silvia Federici. I explore the processes of deepening the gendered division of labour and “housewifisation” of women’s reproductive and productive labour in the context of privatisations and austerity politics. I analyse the “enclosure” of the female body by the repressive reproductive policies as a strategy of “remaking” the body of the female workers related to neoliberal labour policies. Furthermore, I examine the “marriage” of neoliberalism to neoconservatism and explain the “re-traditionalisation” of Polish society as a consequence of enclosures of the commons. Finally, I analyse the decomposition and disintegration of the working class through the backlash within “Solidarity” and growing gender- and class-based divisions between workers. Based on the example of the Polish ‘90s, I argue for the multi-dimensional understanding of the relationship between backlash and neoliberal turn. The backlash has been, at the same time, the pre-condition to the successful implementation of neoliberalism; it was inherent to introduced reforms and was also a (side-)effect of the socio-economic restructuration. I conclude with the diagnosis that structural violence against women was a crucial element of Polish transformation – and I point out the legacy of the Polish ‘long ‘90s’, manifesting itself most evidently in the ongoing crisis of reproductive rights. However, as a new wave of feminist solidarity and resistance is observable today, we can hope that neo-conservative and neoliberal hegemony has already begun to fall apart.